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Powerful Legal Protections for Virginia Whistleblowers

I believe I am a Virginia whistleblower. Am I protected by this law?

Effective on July 1, 2020, you are protected under the VWPA from punishment for your actions if, as an employee:

  • Acting in good faith, you report a violation of any federal or state law or regulation to a supervisor, or to any governmental body or law-enforcement official; or
  • You refuse to engage in a criminal act; or
  • You refuse an employer’s order to perform an action that violates any federal or state law or regulation (so not just a criminal act) and you tell your employer that’s the reason for your refusal.

See below for an exception to the law’s coverage, however.

If the VWPA applies, what is my employer forbidden from doing to me?

The VWPA makes retaliatory firings illegal, but it also covers most other forms of workplace punishment, including:

  • Demotion or failure to promote
  • Denial of benefits
  • Discipline, including notes to your “file”
  • Threats of discipline
  • Discrimination
  • Any other act that affects your compensation, terms, conditions, location, or privileges of employment

If my employer takes illegal action against me, what might a court award me?

The VWPA offers a wide range of remedies, including:

  • An injunction to stop your employer from taking any further action against you;
  • Reinstatement to the same position you held before, or its equivalent, if you were fired, demoted, or moved;
  • Compensation for any lost wages and benefits, and possibly other remuneration, including interest; and
  • Reasonable attorney fees and legal costs

Is the VWPA really that different from previous Virginia law?

Very much so. Virginia didn’t previously have a general statute that outlawed retaliation against workplace whistleblowers. As a result, employees could seek relief only under a few laws with strict requirements, such as the Virginia Taxpayers Against Fraud Act, or under Virginia tort law, which forbids “wrongful discharge” in violation of public policy — a common-law concept that was narrowly limited by courts.

The new law, by contrast, covers possible violations of either Virginia or federal laws. Moreover, unlike the wrongful-discharge tort, which applies only to firings, the VWPA covers actions that fall short of termination but still affect the terms and conditions of employment.

Are any employees excluded from protection under this law?

Yes. Federal government employees who work in Virginia aren’t protected by the VWPA. They are protected under the federal Whistleblower Protection Act, however, and may have other protections depending on circumstances.

I know of some wrongdoing in my workplace. How can I blow the whistle in such a way that I’m protected by the VWPA?

The rules for Virginia aren’t much different than they are for other places with good whistleblower protection laws. In general, follow these best practices:

  1. Tell your boss or another supervisor about your suspicions. Under the VWPA, your report to anyone else may not protect you from retaliation.
  2. Make your report immediately. Many employees are required to do so by law or company policy, and following such rules demonstrates good faith. Under the VWPA, a good-faith report is protected even if you turn out to be mistaken about the illegality of what you report.
  3. Report your concerns in writing and be specific. If you’re refusing an order because you believe it may be illegal, say so.
  4. Cooperate in any resulting investigation. Provide the names of other employees who can confirm the illegal conduct.
  5. Ask your employer for the results of its investigation.
  6. If your employer retaliates against you — or even threatens to do so — make use of the law. The VWPA exists to deliver justice for whistleblowers like you, and to prevent injustice from happening to anyone else.
  7. Seek the advice of an experienced lawyer. Under the VWPA you must bring suit within one year of your employer’s retaliation, and you must file your case in the correct court. Make sure that your attorney is familiar with all of Virginia’s new workplace laws: The VWPA is just one of many employee-friendly changes that took effect on July 1, 2020. Some of the other laws may apply to your situation, too.

 

Options for Employers with Non-Immigrant Workers During the COVID-19 Pandemic and Trump Visa Halt

By Tomi Ojo-Ade

 

INTRODUCTION

Many U.S. companies employ workers whose ability to remain lawfully in the U.S. is based on a non-immigrant visa that is tied to their ongoing employment — often at a specific company. With the COVID-19 pandemic causing millions of layoffs and furloughs, possibly including huge cuts at the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) itself, the status of many of these workers is already unclear. Since June 22, 2020, when President Trump suspended the entry into the U.S. of certain foreign workers, the issues have become even murkier.

Can foreign workers’ employment be put on hold without jeopardizing their work visas? What legal obligations do employers have toward workers whose visas they have sponsored — or are in the process of sponsoring? If an employer lays off such an employee, what must be reported to the government? What is the status of H-1B visas that are currently in process?

Our law firm helps to resolve immigration problems faced by individual employees. Below are answers to some of the most common questions we are being asked by the employers of such workers, based on our firm’s best knowledge as of June 28, 2020. Please note, however, that nothing is certain in this fast-moving area — and each employee’s situation is different anyhow.

Also note that immigration status is just one factor that businesses must consider when making changes. In general, employers cannot take action against employees based solely on their immigration status. Laying off only foreign workers, for instance, could lead to legal liability.

For advice on an individual situation, please contact our immigration attorneys.

This article concludes with a glossary of the most common non-immigrant work visas, along with a summary of relevant rules for each type.

 

WHAT YOU NEED TO KNOW

IMPORTANT: The following Q+A is intended as a general summary of facts and law and not as legal advice upon which you should rely or act. Every immigration case is unique and fact-specific.

Q: As an employer, I have less work available because of the COVID-19 pandemic. Rather than laying off employees, I would like everyone to work on a part-time basis. Is this an option for my employees on non-immigrant visas?

A: It depends on their visa types. The following categories are generally unproblematic for part-time work: E-1/E-2, L-1, TN, and O-1. In all these cases, however, the holders must remain primarily engaged in the activity for which their visas were approved. A change of duties, therefore, could be more difficult than a plain reduction of hours.

For an F-1 student visa holder with OPT (Optional Practical Training) status, a reduction of hours is also OK, but you will need to report the change to the student’s educational institution.

H-1B workers are more difficult, as they were hired pursuant to a Labor Condition Application (LCA) under which you, the employer, certified the terms and conditions of their employment. Any material changes to these terms and conditions — including a reduction in hours — would require the filing of a new LCA and an accompanying H-1B amendment petition. Such a process isn’t precluded under the current terms of President Trump’s H-1B suspension, since the workers are already lawfully working in the U.S., but approval may be difficult in the current environment.

REMINDER: A glossary of visa types is available at the end of this article.

Q: How about wage cuts? If I am reducing wage rates (not hours) across the board, is there any special consideration for employees on non-immigrant visas?

A: This shouldn’t be a problem as long as non-immigrant workers are not singled out for differential treatment — and as long as the reduction doesn’t result in wages for H-1B employees that fall below the prevailing wage for the occupation.

The rule for H-1B workers is that they must receive the actual wage paid to similarly occupied U.S. workers or the prevailing wage in their area of employment, whichever is higher. An across-the-board salary reduction creates a new “actual wage” for comparators, so the market wage is the remaining consideration.

Q: My business depends on H-1B professionals with skills that aren’t in sufficient supply in my area. How will the June 22 Trump proclamation affect my current and future H-1B employees?

A: As long as your current H-1B employees were in the U.S. on June 24, 2020 their legal status is not affected at the moment. As a practical matter, however, they should avoid travel outside the U.S. until the order expires, since they could be denied reentry under some circumstances. Not being able to visit home is a big hardship for them. Renewal of expiring visas may be a problem, too: Consult an immigration attorney for your best course of action.

If you have current H-1B workers who happened to be outside the U.S. on June 24, consult an immigration attorney about the best way to secure their reentry.

In general, future H-1B employees — those who have not yet secured visas — will not be granted visas or allowed into the U.S. until January 1, 2021 at the earliest. There are limited exceptions, including for services “essential to the United States food supply chain” and for people whose entry would be “in the national interest as determined by the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Homeland Security, or their respective designees.”

Q: What other types of visas are temporarily suspended under the June 22 proclamation?

A: H-2B, L-1, and J visas.

H-2B visas are often seasonal and are commonly used for non-agricultural outdoor workers, such as landscapers and groundskeepers; for workers at resorts, such as housekeepers and recreation attendants; for food-processing workers, such as meat and poultry cutters; and for seasonal laborers and construction workers.

L-1 visas are for foreign transferees to affiliated U.S. employers in an executive, managerial, or specialized-knowledge position. J visas are for certain “exchange visitors” and their suspension is limited to foreign nationals in an intern, trainee, teacher, camp counsel, au pair, or summer work travel program.

The same considerations apply for these visas as noted above for H-1B visas.

Q: This seems like an enormous disruption for employers who rely on foreign workers.

A: For sure. While the demand for some of these positions may be lower during the pandemic, other areas are wholly unaffected and U.S. workers are unlikely to fill the gap either way — especially in the H-1B and H-2B economies, for lack of skills and interest, respectively. (A lack of L-1 and J employees may be less mission-critical for employers.)

Q: If I depend on foreign workers, will the June 22 order be my last disruption? Are the workers I have in the U.S. secure, at least?

A: Maybe not. President Trump’s proclamation requires several of his cabinet members to consider further measures — possibly extending even to already-admitted holders of H-1B non-immigrant visas and EB-2 or EB-3 immigrant visas, to ensure that their presence “does not disadvantage United States workers.”

Other possible steps include crackdowns on Labor Condition Application (LCA) violations for H-1B holders; increased barriers for visa applications; and new restrictions on work eligibility for foreign nationals whose immigration status is in dispute — including those who have been arrested on criminal charges but not yet convicted.

It remains unclear whether the Trump Administration is serious about causing further chaos for businesses and employees, but nothing is impossible in an environment that may grow more polarized as national elections approach in November 2020.

Q: I need to furlough some employees, including some workers on non-immigrant visas. What must I consider?

A: A furlough is a temporary layoff from work. In general, workers will return to work after a furlough; they usually won’t get paid during the furlough but they’ll generally keep other benefits, such as health insurance.

Employers may not furlough H-1B workers. Even during the pandemic this likely counts as “benching” and can result in stiff penalties.

Employers can furlough F-1 OPT workers, but by doing so may jeopardize a student’s lawful status. F-1 OPT student workers can remain unemployed only for a cumulative period of 90 days before losing their status; to avoid harm, please confer closely with each individual worker before taking action.

For other common types of non-immigrant visa, including E-1, E-2, L-1, TN, and O-1, a furlough is generally allowed.

Q: If I furlough my non-immigrant workers for up to 90 days, can they claim unemployment insurance?

A: A non-immigrant worker must be authorized to work in the U.S. without restriction in order to be eligible for unemployment insurance, including the enhanced benefits provided by federal and local pandemic legislation — so your workers likely can’t receive the money if their visa is tied to employment at your particular company — as it will be for E-2, E-2, H-1B, L-1, and O-1 employees, for example.

Even theoretically eligible workers still must meet all the regular requirements, of course, and they will need to provide their Alien Registration Number (“A Number”) and a valid Employment Authorization Card issued by USCIS before approval.

Q: What happens if I must terminate a worker on a non-immigrant visa because of the pandemic?

A: In general, employers should inform USCIS whenever they fire a non-immigrant worker.

Employers have additional obligations if they fire sponsored H-1B and O-1 workers: They must offer to pay the reasonable cost of transportation back to the worker’s home country and, for H-1B workers, must withdraw their visa petition at the USCIS or face penalties for their failure.

For F-1 OPT workers, employers must inform the student’s sponsoring academic institution.

As a matter of humanity, please think twice before firing a non-immigrant worker for whom a new petition will not be considered under the Trump Administration’s moratorium.

Q: My company is sponsoring a current non-immigrant worker for permanent residency. Is this process affected by either the pandemic or the president’s June 22 proclamation?

A: If you’re in the middle of this process, you have filed a Permanent Employment Certification Application, or “PERM,” that requires certification by the U.S. Department of Labor. The PERM process involves showing that no U.S. worker is qualified and available for the position you want your foreign worker to fill.

Because the PERM process is based on market conditions that have changed radically — and because of the president’s rhetoric, and because of pandemic-related delays in government processing — employers should expect slow-walking and heightened scrutiny from the DOL.

Q: This isn’t specific to non-immigrant workers, but it’s about immigration-related paperwork. My company is strict about complying with I-9 verification requirements. Now that everyone is working from home, however, it’s hard for our H.R. people to examine original documents when they onboard new employees. Is it OK for them to look at documents electronically?

A: Form I-9 requires new employees to certify their eligibility to work in the U.S. It also requires employers to state under penalty of perjury that they have physically examined a new hire’s identification and work authorization documents, in the presence of the employee, in order to confirm that they appear genuine and entitle the employee to work in the U.S. This is supposed to happen within three days of hiring.

In light of the COVID-19 pandemic, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) has relaxed its I-9 requirements. Employers whose entire workforce is operating remotely can inspect the original documents over video link, fax, or e-mail, and obtain copies of those documents within three business days. Once the employer resumes regular operations, a representative must inspect the original documents as usual and fill out Section 2 of the I-9 form, citing COVID-19 as the reason for delay in the form’s “Additional Information” field.

Note that this policy applies only where zero employees are working at the company’s workplace, or where the new hire is personally subject to a COVID-19 lockdown. If neither condition applies, the normal I-9 process is supposed to go ahead.

ICE originally said its temporary I-9 policy would last at least 60 days, and so far has extended it for two additional 30-day periods. The current extension expires on July 19, 2020; after that date employers should check with ICE for updates.

Q: Anything else should I bear in mind about my employees on non-immigrant visas during this period of pandemic and upheaval?

A: Foreign workers in the U.S. are uniquely vulnerable to negative actions by their employers, as they have less time and fewer options to adapt to a change in employment. For many visa holders, termination means the end of their ability to work in the U.S. Some visas allow a 60-day grace period during which the employee can switch to a different sponsoring employer or a different visa type — but such a switch may be difficult or impossible right now.

In addition, President Trump’s recent proclamations will force many non-immigrant workers to abandon any hope of visiting their home country at least until 2021, including for family deaths or other emergencies, since it’s possible they won’t be readmitted and would lose their livelihood.

The COVID-19 pandemic is difficult for everyone, of course — including for employers who must make difficult choices. In making such choices, however, please bear in mind the special circumstances of your foreign workers.

 

GLOSSARY

What follows is a list of common types of non-immigrant work visas. It is not exhaustive.

E-1 / E-2

The E non-immigrant visa is generally used by business owners, managers, and employees who must remain in the U.S. for an extended period in order to help operate an enterprise that is engaged in foreign trade with the U.S. or that represents a major investment in the U.S.

E visas are available only where a “treaty of commerce and navigation” or a “bilateral investment treaty” allows a foreign country’s nationals to enter the U.S., and only to nationals of that country. As a result, these are sometimes called “treaty trader” or “treaty investor” visas.

F-1 student visas with Optional Practical Training (OPT)

Under an F-1 OPT visa, foreign students can seek U.S. employment on a temporary basis as long as it amounts to practical training in their main area of study. Such students usually must complete a certain amount of classwork before becoming eligible to work.

H-1B

The H-1B non-immigrant visa is available to college-educated professionals in specialty fields such as medicine, law, architecture, I.T., and education. In order to hire a foreign worker on an H-1B, an employer must post the position’s availability to U.S. workers and then must file a Labor Condition Application (LCA) that attests to the need to reach outside the U.S. for employees and states the terms and conditions that will apply to the new employee. The U.S. Department of Labor must certify each LCA, and there is an annual quota for H-1B admissions.

H-2B

H-2B non-immigrant visas are often seasonal and are commonly used for non-agricultural outdoor workers, such as landscapers and groundskeepers; for workers at resorts, such as housekeepers and recreation attendants; for food-processing workers, such as meat and poultry cutters; and for seasonal laborers and construction workers.

J

“Exchange Visitor Visas” (J visas) are available to foreign citizens who get approval to participate in certain exchange visitor programs, including scholars and students, au pairs, camp counselors, interns, and trainees.

L-1

These “intracompany transferee” visas are available to foreign workers who are transferred from a qualifying foreign company to its U.S. affiliate in an executive, managerial, or specialized knowledge position.

O-1

The so-called “genius visa” is reserved for people with “extraordinary ability” in athletics, science, education, or business (O-1A), or in the arts (O-1B), or who have been recognized for a record of “extraordinary achievement” in movies or TV (O-1B).

TN

This visa category was created under the North American Free Trade Agreement, or NAFTA. It allows qualified Canadian and Mexican professionals — including accountants, engineers, lawyers, pharmacists, scientists, and teachers — to work temporarily in the U.S.

 

SUMMARY OF RULES

What follows is a highly simplified summary; for further details and explanation, consult an immigration attorney.

 

Visa category Employer may reduce wages? Employer may reduce hours? Employer may furlough? Consequence of termination?
E-1 / E-2 Generally yes Generally yes Generally yes Notification of USCIS is advised but not required; visa becomes invalid after grace period
F-1 OPT Generally yes Generally yes, but must be 20+ hours per week to count for OPT Generally yes, but visa holder cannot be unemployed for more than 90 days cumulatively Employer must notify sponsoring academic institution
H-1B Generally yes, as long as part of an across-board reduction and does not undercut prevailing wage Generally yes, but requires paperwork and federal approval No, could result in penalties Employer must notify USCIS and offer employee cost of return to home country
H-2B Generally no Generally no, must remain at 35+ hours per week No, only option is to terminate contract based on narrow standards (which could include COVID) Employer must notify DHS and offer employee cost of return to home country
J Generally yes, but sponsor may need to notify U.S. Department of State (DOS) if it is a material change Generally yes, but sponsor may need to notify DOS if it is a material change Generally yes, but sponsor may need to notify DOS if it is a material change Sponsor must notify DOS
L-1 Generally yes Generally yes Generally yes Notification of USCIS is advised but not required; visa becomes invalid after grace period
O-1 Generally yes Generally yes Generally yes Notification of USCIS is advised but not required; employer must offer employee cost of return to home country
TN Generally yes Generally yes, but employer could need to explain how visa holder will support self if visa was originally granted for full-time work Generally yes, but employer could need to explain how visa holder will support self if visa was originally granted for full-time work Notification of USCIS is advised but not required; visa becomes invalid after grace period

 

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Tomi Ojo-Ade is a former associate of The Employment Law Group, P.C.

 

A New Day for the Old Dominion

By R. Scott Oswald and Andrew D. Howell

 

IMPORTANT: The employee-protections laws described below become effective in Virginia on July 1, 2020, except as noted. The laws have no retroactive effect. This article provides a top-level summary but is not legal advice upon which you should rely or act. Every case is unique and fact-specific.

 

——————————

 

WHAT’S IN THIS ARTICLE

 
1. Introduction · Jump to section

2. Powerful New Anti-Discrimination Measures · Jump to section

A. Previous Landscape

B. What Has Changed

  • Virginia Values Act
  • Ban on Hair Discrimination
  • Expanded Ban on Pregnancy Discrimination

3. Powerful New Protections for Whistleblowers · Jump to section

A. Previous Landscape

B. What Has Changed

4. Powerful New Wage-and-Hour Measures · Jump to section

A. Previous Landscape

B. What Has Changed

  • Private Right of Action on Wages
  • Anti-Retaliation Provision for Wage Claims
  • Private Right of Action on Misclassification
  • Anti-Retaliation Provision for Misclassification Claims
  • Other Misclassification Enforcement
  • Minimum Wage Provisions

5. Why Virginia’s Courts Now Look Attractive for Employees · Jump to section

 

——————————

 

1. INTRODUCTION

It’s a new day for employees in the Old Dominion. Long a state that offered its workers few protections and limited remedies, as of July 2020 Virginia transforms into one of the more progressive jurisdictions in the nation.

While the U.S. Supreme Court just banned workplace discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity as a matter of federal law, Virginia already was set to become the first state in the South to do so under state law — and its courts offer several advantages over federal venues.

The Commonwealth, meanwhile, joins a vanguard of states that are banning so-called “hair discrimination” as a flavor of race bias, and Virginia’s women now have additional protections for discrimination related to pregnancy, childbirth, and related medical conditions.

Virginia law now offers powerful protections for whistleblowers, too. A new statute solidifies many claims that employees previously struggled to fit into the narrow rubric of wrongful termination under Virginia common law.

And Virginia has enacted private rights of action for wage payment issues and for misclassification as an independent contractor, along with a minimum hourly wage that will rise in stages to $15 over the coming years.

All of these changes combine with favorable litigation rules to make Virginia’s circuit courts a welcoming environment for employees — a major turnaround from the past.

 

2. POWERFUL NEW ANTI-DISCRIMINATION MEASURES

A. Previous Landscape

Historically, Virginia’s Human Rights Act has provided only the barest of protections to employees who faced discrimination.

Under previous law, employees had a private right of action against employers of 15 or more only for “discharge” on the basis of “race, color, religion, national origin, sex, pregnancy, childbirth or related medical conditions, including lactation.” Based on case law, the prohibition on sex discrimination did not encompass firings on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity. For age discrimination (40 or older), employees had a right of action against employers of 20 or more — again limited to discharge.

Even when a plaintiff prevailed, the old statute severely limited remedies. Back pay was capped at 12 months, plus interest. Compensatory damages and punitive damages were not allowed. The law did not allow for job reinstatement as an equitable remedy. And it capped attorney fees at 25 percent of the awarded back pay.

B. What Has Changed

As of July 1, 2020, just about all of these limitations are changed dramatically. The biggest differences arrive via the Virginia Values Act, but some separate legislation also has an effect. What follows is a summary of the major measures.

The Virginia Values Act

Effective on July 1, the Virginia Values Act (VVA) amends the Virginia Human Rights Act (VHRA) and makes it illegal for an employer to:

Fail or refuse to hire, discharge, or otherwise discriminate against any individual with respect to such individual’s compensation, terms, conditions, or privileges of employment because of such individual’s race, color, religion, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity, marital status, pregnancy, childbirth or related medical conditions including lactation, age, status as a veteran, or national origin.

(Emphasis added)

Put simply, the VVA expands the scope of prohibited adverse employment actions and the covered bases of discrimination. The law generally still limits its private causes of action to employers with 15 or more employees — except for cases of discriminatory firing, which can be brought against employers with as few as six employees.

That’s not all. The VVA demands only that employees show discrimination to be a “motivating factor” in the employment decision, rather than the sole or determinative factor. And the remedies available to prevailing employees now include:

  • Uncapped compensatory damages;
  • Punitive damages up to $350,000;
  • Uncapped reasonable attorneys’ fees and costs; and
  • “Any permanent or temporary injunction, temporary restraining order, or other order, including an order enjoining the defendant from engaging in such practice, or order such affirmative action as may be appropriate.”

To launch an action under the VHRA, employees must file a complaint with the Virginia Division of Human Rights. Notably, under the modified law,

Upon receipt of a written request from the complainant, the Division shall promptly issue a notice of the right to file a civil action to the complainant after (i) 180 days have passed from the date the complaint was filed or (ii) the Division determines that it will be unable to complete its investigation within 180 days from the date the complaint was filed.

This is similar to 29 C.F.R. § 1601.28(a)(2), the federal regulation that allows employees to request a Right to Sue Notice from the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Upon receiving such a notice from the Division of Human Rights, aggrieved employees may bring suit directly in Virginia’s court system and request a jury trial.

Ban on Hair Discrimination

Under House Bill 1514, Virginia has also amended the definition of race discrimination as follows:

The terms “because of race” or “on the basis of race” or terms of similar import when used in reference to discrimination in the Code and acts of the General Assembly include because of or on the basis of traits historically associated with race, including hair texture, hair type, and protective hairstyles such as braids, locks, and twists.

With this law, Virginia is preceded only by California, New York, and New Jersey in banning hair discrimination as a form of race discrimination.

Expanded Ban on Pregnancy Discrimination

House Bill 827 broadened the definition of pregnancy discrimination under the Virginia Human Rights Act. The amended VHRA allows a cause of action against an employer who “refuse[s] to make reasonable accommodation to the known limitations of a person related to pregnancy, childbirth, or related medical conditions, unless the employer can demonstrate that the accommodation would impose an undue hardship on the employer.”

The law’s definition of reasonable accommodation includes:

more frequent or longer bathroom breaks, breaks to express breast milk, access to a private location other than a bathroom for the expression of breast milk, acquisition or modification of equipment or access to or modification of employee seating, a temporary transfer to a less strenuous or hazardous position, assistance with manual labor, job restructuring, a modified work schedule, light duty assignments, and leave to recover from childbirth.

In short, working mothers are entitled to any reasonable help they might need to carry out their duties before or after a birth. Moreover, the amended VHRA forbids employers from retaliating against workers for requesting such help.

 

3. POWERFUL NEW PROTECTIONS FOR WHISTLEBLOWERS

A. Previous Landscape

Like 48 other states, Virginia is an “at-will” employment state. This means an employer may fire an employee for any reason at all, so long as it is not a reason forbidden by law.

As in most other at-will states, Virginia’s courts recognize a modest exception to this doctrine in cases where the employee “claim[s] to have been discharged in violation of an established public policy.” Bowman v. State Bank of Keysville, 331 S.E.2d 797, 801 (Va. 1985). In the absence of a robust whistleblower protection statute — something Virginia never had until now — this “public policy” exception is often an employee’s only protection against being fired for blowing the whistle on wrongdoing.

In Virginia, Bowman claims are available to whistleblowers only after they are fired, and only in narrow circumstances. The Supreme Court of Virginia recognizes them only where:

  • An employer has violated the employee’s statutory rights;
  • A termination violates a public policy expressed in a statute and the employee falls within a class protected under that statute; or
  • The employee is fired for refusing to engage in illegal or criminal behavior.

Rowan v. Tractor Supply Co., 559 S.E.2d 709, 711 (Va. 2002).

Beyond Bowman claims — and the protections of federal laws — a limited number of Virginia whistleblowers also could seek protection via the Virginia Fraud Against Taxpayers Act (VFATA), which forbids retaliation against employees who take actions “in furtherance of an action under [the VFATA] or other efforts to stop one or more violations of [the VFATA].” The VFATA deals with fraud against the Virginia government.

B. What Has Changed

House Bill 798 codified and broadened the common-law exceptions found in Bowman and its progeny, offering employees statutory protection against a range of punishment that now goes far beyond firing. Specifically, as of July 1, 2020:

An employer shall not discharge, discipline, threaten, discriminate against, or penalize an employee, or take other retaliatory action regarding an employee’s compensation, terms, conditions, location, or privileges of employment, because the employee:

  1. Or a person acting on behalf of the employee in good faith reports a violation of any federal or state law or regulation to a supervisor or to any governmental body or law-enforcement official;
  2. Is requested by a governmental body or law-enforcement official to participate in an investigation, hearing, or inquiry;
  3. Refuses to engage in a criminal act that would subject the employee to criminal liability;
  4. Refuses an employer’s order to perform an action that violates any federal or state law or regulation and the employee informs the employer that the order is being refused for that reason; or
  5. Provides information to or testifies before any governmental body or law-enforcement official conducting an investigation, hearing, or inquiry into any alleged violation by the employer of federal or state law or regulation.

Retaliation for some of these whistleblowing actions was already actionable under Bowman if it included firing — but for other situations a claim would have been difficult or impossible to pursue. Now whistleblowers have a clearer path and may bring a civil action within one year of a violation. Remedies include:

  • An injunction to stop continued retaliation;
  • Reinstatement to the same position held before the retaliatory action, or to its equivalent;
  • Lost pay, including benefits and other remuneration, plus interest; and
  • Reasonable attorney fees and costs

Though not as comprehensive as general-purpose whistleblower provisions in states such as New Jersey and California, the new law is a major upgrade for Virginia employees.

 

4. POWERFUL NEW WAGE-AND-HOUR MEASURES

A. Previous Landscape

Among other things, Virginia law already required all employers to “pay salaried employees at least once each month and employees paid on an hourly rate once every two weeks or twice in each month.” Va. Code § 40.1-29(A)(1).

For a worker whose employer violated such wage-and-hour laws, however, there was no private right of action — meaning that, instead of filing suit, employees were forced to rely on government agencies to vindicate their rights. And until now, employees had no direct protection against retaliation for questioning their employer’s compliance with the law.

B. What Has Changed

Private Right of Action on Wages

House Bill 123 grants employees a private right of action for non-payment of wages, either individually or collectively, and calls for doubled damages along with reasonable attorney fees and costs if the plaintiff prevails. What’s more, a knowing violation of the new law will result in trebled damages, which is better than the federal Fair Labor Standards Act. The new statute calls a violation knowing when:

the person, with respect to information, (i) has actual knowledge of the information, (ii) acts in deliberate ignorance of the truth or falsity of the information, or (iii) acts in reckless disregard of the truth or falsity of the information. Establishing that a person acted knowingly shall not require proof of specific intent to defraud.

The law has a three-year statute of limitations and is operative “without regard to any exhaustion of alternative administrative remedies.”

Anti-Retaliation Provision for Wage Claims

House Bill 337 forbids employers from retaliating against employees who file a wage claim, or who testify in a wage proceeding, under Va. Code § 40.1-29. This new law doesn’t directly authorize a private right of action — instead it calls for a complaint to the Virginia Department of Labor — but it’s arguable that Virginia’s new whistleblower protection law (see above) may expose violators of H.B. 337 to private civil action. The viability of such an approach will need to be tested in litigation.

Private Right of Action on Misclassification

House Bill 984 provides a private right of action for misclassification — an incorrect portrayal of an employee as an independent contractor, most often for the purpose of avoiding the payment of proper wages or benefits. The new law creates a presumption of an employer-employee relationship between a person who pays remuneration to another for services, unless it can be shown that the putative employee actually is an independent contractor as defined by the Internal Revenue Service.

Available remedies include “damages in the amount of any wages, salary, employment benefits, including expenses incurred by the employee that would otherwise have been covered by insurance, or other compensation lost to the individual, a reasonable attorney fee, and the costs incurred by the individual in bringing the action.”

Anti-Retaliation Provision for Misclassification Claims

Meanwhile, House Bill 1199 makes it unlawful for employers to:

discharge, discipline, threaten, discriminate against, or penalize an employee or independent contractor, or take other retaliatory action regarding an employee or independent contractor’s compensation, terms, conditions, location, or privileges of employment, because the employee or independent contractor:

  1. Has reported or plans to report to an appropriate authority that an employer, or any officer or agent of the employer, has failed to properly classify an individual as an employee and failed to pay required benefits or other contributions; or
  2. Is requested or subpoenaed by an appropriate authority to participate in an investigation, hearing, or inquiry by an appropriate authority or in a court action.

Again, there is no direct private right of action. An employee may file a complaint with the Virginia Department of Labor, which may bring an action on the employee’s behalf to recover lost wages, possibly order reinstatement, and possibly assess a civil penalty against an offending employer.

Other Misclassification Enforcement

Effective on January 1, 2021, two additional measures will provide the government with new powers against employers who seek to misclassify their workers:

  • Senate Bill 744 provides for civil penalties for misclassification and allows debarment from public contracts for repeat offenders. This bill also has an anti-retaliation provision.
  • House Bill 1407 empowers the Department of Taxation to investigate misclassification.

Minimum Wage Provisions

Under House Bill 395, Virginia’s minimum wage will increase to $9.50 per hour effective January 1, 2021, a 31 percent jump from the current level. The wage floor will then rise each following year until January 2026, when it is slated to reach $15.00 per hour.

Because Governor Ralph Northam has recommended some changes on effective dates, however, the bill will be returning to the legislature for further approval. See Va. Const. art. 5, § 6(b)(iii).

 

5. WHY VIRGINIA’S COURTS NOW LOOK ATTRACTIVE FOR EMPLOYEES

In the past many Virginia employees have looked to vindicate their complaints in the federal court system, rather than in state courts, simply because the Commonwealth’s statutes and common law were unsympathetic to their cause. Now that the legal balance has been reset by Democratic legislators in Richmond, some procedural mechanisms that favor plaintiffs will come to the fore. As a result, Virginia’s circuit courts are likely to see an influx of employment disputes.

In particular, state judges are loath to cut a case short at summary judgment, since the Supreme Court of Virginia has described such an outcome as a “drastic remedy.” Shevel’s, Inc.-Chesterfield v. Southeastern Associates, Inc., 320 S.E.2d 339, 342 (Va. 1984). Recall that Virginia has a unique rule: In most cases, a party cannot obtain summary judgment if the motion is “based in whole or in part upon any discovery depositions under Rule 4:5, unless all parties to the suit or action shall agree that such deposition may be so used.” Va. S. Ct. R. 3:20; see also Va. Code § 8.01-420(A). Meanwhile there’s no prohibition against using depositions to oppose a motion for summary judgment. Lloyd v. Kime, 654 S.E.2d 563, 568-69 (Va. 2008).

Since employers usually are the party seeking to avoid a trial, while many employees are happy to reach a jury, this procedural advantage is attractive to plaintiff’s attorneys.

In addition, unlike in federal court, employees in Virginia state court have a right to voir dire their jurors directly at the start of a trial — and to excuse jurors with harmful biases who cannot “stand indifferent.” Va. Code § 8.01-358.

Viewed alongside a set of statutes that now offers protection that’s similar to — or better than — their federal analogues, Virginia’s court system suddenly looks like a genuinely attractive venue for employees. For workers in the Old Dominion, it truly is a new day.

———-

R. Scott Oswald is the managing principal at The Employment Law Group, P.C. Andrew D. Howell is a former TELG associate.

 

A Huge Step for Workplace Justice – But Battles Remain Ahead

By R. Scott Oswald

Today’s decision by Justice Neil Gorsuch in Bostock v. Clayton County, Ga. and its associated cases is a U.S. Supreme Court landmark that shuts down forever the unsavory argument by employers that federal law has nothing to say about discrimination against gay and transgender people in the workplace.

That’s a huge victory: No longer must LGBTQ+ employees struggle to convince judges, case by painful case, that they have a right even to challenge injustice on the job.

Yet despite its common-sense framing and unambiguous language, Justice Gorsuch’s historic 6-3 opinion preserves one big carveout for employment bias — and not just on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity.

Excusing all manner of discrimination under the rubric of “religious liberty,” it seems clearer than ever, remains top-of-mind for the court. The majority in Bostock says that religious justifications for discrimination may “merit careful consideration,” while Justice Samuel Alito’s furious dissent rejects the decision as an outright threat to “freedom of religion.” Justice Brett Kavanaugh also raises religion in a footnote to his separate, and mostly milder, rebuke.

We should be grateful that no religious claim was before the court in the three cases disposed today by Judge Gorsuch’s opinion: At least we have clarity as to the justices’ default position on LGBTQ+ equality.

What might convince the court to set aside its default, however, remains up for grabs — and may be illuminated within weeks, as the justices are set to rule on the scope of a “ministerial exception” to workplace discrimination laws.

If the conservative Justice Gorsuch made an unlikely (but welcome) ally for employees in Bostock, he is unlikelier still to side against employers who assert religious claims.

A Victory for Framing

The issue in Bostock and its two associated cases was crystal clear: Does the sex-discrimination provision of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 forbid employers from firing workers for being gay or trans?

“The answer is clear,” writes Justice Gorsuch. “An employer who fires an individual for being homosexual or transgender fires that person for traits or actions it would not have questioned in members of a different sex. Sex plays a necessary and undisguisable role in the decision, exactly what Title VII forbids.”

This is, above all, a demonstration of the power of framing a legal issue effectively.

Over the course of 30 years since Price Waterhouse v. Hopkins — a Supreme Court case that revolved around how an employer believed a woman employee “should” look or act — advocates have increasingly relied on closely related, easy-to-understand examples of why LBGTQ+ discrimination is a flavor of sex discrimination, not a separate offense.

Justice Gorsuch repeats several such examples in his opinion, including this:

Imagine an employer who has a policy of firing any employee known to be homosexual. The employer hosts an office holiday party and invites employees to bring their spouses. A model employee arrives and introduces a manager to Susan, the employee’s wife. Will that employee be fired? If the policy works as the employer intends, the answer depends entirely on whether the model employee is a man or a woman. To be sure, that employer’s ultimate goal might be to discriminate on the basis of sexual orientation. But to achieve that purpose the employer must, along the way, intentionally treat an employee worse based in part on that individual’s sex.

To be sure, it has taken decades for this simple framing to catch on. But once you see it, you can’t unsee it — not even if you’re a card-carrying member of the Federalist Society, it seems.

And now it is the law of the land.

With the zeal of a convert, Justice Gorsuch couches this opinion in the language of the late Justice Antonin Scalia, claiming that the plain text of Title VII brooks no other interpretation — an argument that appears to drive the dissenters crazy.

Rear Guard Action

“[N]o one should be fooled” by the textualist trappings of the Bostock decision, Justice Alito writes in a dissent joined by Justice Clarence Thomas. It “is like a pirate ship. It sails under a textualist flag, but what it actually represents is a theory of statutory interpretation that Justice Scalia excoriated.”

Indeed, all three diverse opinions in Bostock are from conservative justices who claim to sail under Justice Scalia’s ensign — showing that textualism, whatever its merits, is far from an objective exercise.

The dissents themselves are a mixed bag. On the one hand, Justices Alito and Kavanaugh are correct that it can’t be downright unreasonable to assert that Title VII doesn’t protect gay and trans people — even if it is ultimately wrong — since so many courts and agencies have asserted exactly that, even until recently.

On the other hand, Justice Alito is sour and tone-deaf (at best) in his recounting of the mistreatment of gay and trans people at the time Title VII was passed.

“[T]he plain truth is that in 1964 homosexuality was thought to be a mental disorder,” he says, “and homosexual conduct was regarded as morally culpable and worthy of punishment.”

Well, that certainly was true for at least some people, but Justice Alito’s ensuing cold, detailed, multipage litany of contemporaneous anti-gay measures — not to mention the appendices of supporting documents — has an over-anxious insistence about it, as if he fears such hatred might be forgotten, while his pro forma recognition of “the injustice of past practices” is tepid and followed by an avowal that rectifying the situation “is not our job.”

Justice Kavanaugh also thinks that the majority decided to write law rather than interpret it, yet outside his argument he tries to position himself as a nonpoisonous supporter of the ultimate outcome. He even claims, weirdly, that “a new law to prohibit sexual orientation discrimination was probably close at hand,” and says “[i]t was easy to picture a massive and celebratory Presidential signing ceremony in the East Room or on the South Lawn.”

Yeah, maybe — but only if Justice Kavanaugh also pictured his nominator and his confirmers in the U.S. Senate, many of whom have opposed LGBTQ+ civil rights measures, going down in flames in November. Evidently his colleagues in the majority were not so sanguine as to leave that one to Fate.

Anyhow, this admirably clear decision is now in the books; gay and trans employees have legal recourse for on-the-job discrimination anywhere in our land. Their battle will continue on two fronts: To consolidate and extend this huge victory, in the workplace and beyond, and to defend it against a growing wave of religious-liberty claims, which will target their rights disproportionately.

For now, it is enough to have a solid statement of law on which we can build: “An employer who fires an individual merely for being gay or transgender defies the law.”

—–

R. Scott Oswald is managing principal of The Employment Law Group, P.C.

(Note: This version has been edited slightly from, and carries a different headline than, the version published by Law360.)

New Rights for D.C. Employees Under COVID-19 Emergency Laws

By Adam Augustine Carter

Note: This article is focused on employees with workplaces in Washington, D.C. For a look at COVID-19 leave laws that apply nationwide, click here.

 

INTRODUCTION

Starting in March 2020, the Council of the District of Columbia passed several emergency bills that expanded the rights of D.C. employees to take job-protected leave — including paid leave — during the COVID-19 pandemic, while also relaxing the rules for receiving unemployment payments.

As emergency legislation, each bill was slated to expire 90 days after taking effect. However, the council recently combined and re-passed all the measures — meaning that all the emergency provisions now remain valid at least through late August, a date that could be pushed back again by a further bill.

Meanwhile the Council is working on a “temporary” version of the same bill, which is a step up from emergency legislation and could extend the measures even longer.

This article answers some common questions about the new employee rights and protections that are included in the Coronavirus Support Emergency Amendment Act of 2020 (CSEAA), which gathers four previously effective emergency bills into a single measure. It is based on our firm’s best knowledge as of June 7, 2020.

Bear in mind that the CSEAA supplements and interacts with existing D.C. and federal laws, as well as employer policies that may, in some cases, be more generous than the law requires. To understand your individual situation fully, please consult an employment attorney.

 

WHAT YOU NEED TO KNOW

IMPORTANT: The following Q+A is intended as a general summary of facts and law and not as legal advice upon which you should rely or act. Every case is unique and fact-specific.

Q: How will these measures help me to cope with this pandemic?

A: For most D.C. employees, the top three work-related changes are:

  • Expanded access to paid leave if you are unable to work for COVID-related reasons — with terms that may improve on federal law;
  • Expanded access to unpaid leave if you are unable to work for COVID-related reasons — again, on better terms than federal law; and
  • Expanded access to D.C.’s unemployment insurance program.

For more detail on these three changes, read on.

The CSEAA also makes some adjustments to D.C.’s “shared work” program, which some employers may use as an alternative to layoffs. This article won’t address that program, as it is quite complex.

Q: Paid COVID leave sounds sensible. How does that work?

A: The CSEAA extends the duration of an emergency law that became effective on April 10, 2020, amending D.C.’s Accrued Sick and Safe Leave Act of 2008. It basically provides two weeks of paid leave for anyone who must take sick leave for themselves or to take care of a family member for specified coronavirus-related reasons — including the closure of a minor child’s school or daycare. (Your child need not be sick, in other words.) You need give only 48 hours’ notice before using this leave, or possibly less in an emergency situation.

Q: Isn’t that roughly what federal law now provides? How does that help me?

A: It’s true that the federal Emergency Paid Sick Leave Act (EPSLA), which we discuss here, also provides two weeks of paid leave — at prorated pay if you work part-time — and that the D.C. law matches the EPSLA’s allowable reasons for such paid leave.

However, D.C.’s law provides full regular pay for the duration of the leave, whereas federal law has a cap of $200 per day if you take the leave to care for someone else. (The daily cap is $511 if you’re sick yourself.) You can’t combine D.C. and federal leave — or your employer’s policies — to get paid for longer than two weeks, but you can use the D.C. leave to get paid at your regular rate if you normally earn above the relevant federal cap.

Q: Any limitations I should know about?

A: Under the CSEAA, you must take paid leave along with or after exhausting any other paid leave to which you’re entitled — and your employer can reduce your CSEAA pay by the amount you get paid under federal law or its own policy. In effect, then, this law “tops up” your pay for two weeks if you can’t get fully paid by other means.

Also, the law applies only to non-healthcare employers with 50-499 employees, and you must have worked for your employer for at least 15 days before requesting leave. The law is effective only for the duration of the COVID-19 emergency as declared by Mayor Muriel Bowser.

Q: I’m still working, but my hours have been reduced so I’ve been earning less lately. If I were to qualify for paid leave under the CSEAA, would I get paid at my pre-pandemic rate?

A: It’s not clear. The CSEAA says you must be paid your “regular rate of pay.” For an employee “who does not have a regular rate of pay,” the law makes a per-hour calculation based on the most recent two weeks. It may be worth your while to consult an employment lawyer.

Q: I’m on an unpaid furlough due to the pandemic, but I’m still getting benefits like health insurance. Can I claim paid leave under the CSEAA?

A: Again, it’s not entirely clear and may depend on your specific circumstances. You may want to consult an employment lawyer.

Q: I was laid off due to the pandemic, but my employer continues to operate with a smaller staff. Can I claim paid leave?

A: No. You must be employed in order to claim leave, whether paid or unpaid.

Q: OK, let’s move on. How about unpaid leave?

A: The D.C. Family and Medical Leave Act of 1990 (DCFMLA) is more generous than its federal equivalent, protecting employees’ jobs for 16 weeks of unpaid leave rather than the 12 weeks mandated by federal law. Under the CSEAA and a predecessor law, which has been in effect since March 17, a new category of “COVID-19 leave” is available for up to 16 weeks under the DCFMLA — and it’s available to more people than regular DCFMLA leave.

Specifically, to qualify for unpaid COVID-19 leave you need to have worked for your employer for only 30 days before requesting leave. That’s a big change from the regular DCFMLA, which requires at least a year of service. Also, the new law covers all D.C. employers regardless of size; the regular DCFMLA covers only employers with more than 20 employees.

Unpaid COVID-19 leave is available for the duration of the emergency declared by Mayor Bowser. You may claim it if you can’t work for one of these reasons:

  • You’ve been told to isolate or quarantine because you or someone in your home is at high risk for serious illness from COVID-19;
  • You need to care for a household member who is under orders to isolate or quarantine; or
  • You need to care for a child for whom school or daycare is unavailable.

So, as with paid leave, no one needs to be sick in order to claim unpaid leave — losing childcare is a sufficient reason as long as it makes you unable to work, and so is having a high-risk family member as long as a doctor has said that your continuing to work would be dangerous.

Your employer may ask you for “reasonable certification” of your need for leave; the law includes a list of acceptable proof.

Q: Wait, remind me: If I’m not getting paid, what’s the point of DCFMLA (or FMLA) leave?

A: You should continue to get benefits, and your job is legally protected while you take time to care for yourself or your family. In particular, your employer can’t penalize or fire you for taking this leave — or even for asking for it. And when your leave is over, your employer must re-employ you in the same position or its equivalent.

Q: Is that the same for paid leave also?

A: Yes.

Q: Do I need to take paid leave and unpaid leave in any particular order?

A: No, the order is up to you. Most people will choose to take paid leave first, but it’s not required — and your employer can’t tell you otherwise. Paid leave will get counted against the unpaid leave that you have available under DCFMLA, however.

Q: I was on DCFMLA leave when my employer stopped operations and fired everyone because of the pandemic — including me. I thought my job was protected?

A: It’s illegal to fire someone for taking protected leave, but it sounds like that’s not the case here. And while normally you’d be entitled to return to an equivalent job, the law can’t make that happen if your employer has gone out of business. Still, it may be worth discussing your situation with an employment lawyer — especially if there’s a chance your employer will restart operations.

And in the meantime, of course, you are likely to be eligible for unemployment insurance under D.C.’s expanded program.

Q: Right. So how has unemployment insurance been expanded to deal with COVID-19?

A: Starting on March 17, 2020 it became easier for anyone affected by COVID-19 to claim unemployment insurance in D.C. — and a further “clarification” law on April 10, 2020 expanded eligibility further. The CSEAA will extend these measures at least through late August or until Mayor Bowser rescinds the current public health emergency. The CSEAA works in conjunction with new unemployment benefits required by the federal Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act (CARES Act) that became law on March 27, 2020. The CARES Act isn’t addressed by this article.

For most people the two key changes in D.C. are:

  • Unemployment benefits may be claimed by people who become unemployed or “partially unemployed” due to the pandemic, regardless of whether the layoff, furlough, or work reduction is supposed to be temporary — and even where their employer already has announced a back-to-normal date.
  • Unemployment benefits may be granted to people who “otherwise would not qualify” under regular rules, including individuals who are “self-employed, seeking part-time employment, [or] do not have sufficient work history.”

Newly valid reasons for claiming unemployment are:

  • Your employer has stopped or reduced its operations based on a government COVID order or because of reduced business during the pandemic; or
  • You are in quarantine or isolation based on a government order or “in a manner consistent with the recommendations or guidance of [government agencies] or a medical professional”; or
  • You decline to work because your employer has failed to follow government health and safety orders or to honor your valid quarantine or isolation as described above.

Taken together, these changes should grant eligibility to most people who have lost work due to COVID-19. Note that you may need to provide “reasonable documentation” of your stated reason.

Q: Any other unemployment changes I should be aware of?

A: Normally D.C. claimants have a one-week waiting period before they are eligible for benefits; must actively search for work while they receive payments; and can’t make a claim based on employment when they lacked legal documentation (like a green card, for non-citizens). Under the CSEAA, such requirements may be waived with “broad discretion” while the public health emergency is in effect.

Note: D.C.’s original COVID emergency measure, which became law on March 17 and expires on June 15, absolutely waived the work-search requirement. That language doesn’t reappear in the CSEAA, however — so presumably an ongoing waiver will depend on the judgment of Unique N. Morris-Hughes, director of the D.C. Department of Employment Services (DOES).

D.C.’s unemployment system is complex, and many rules will continue to apply even under the CSEAA. For information that’s fully up-to-date, rely on the DOES Web site.

———-

Adam Augustine Carter is a principal of The Employment Law Group, P.C.

 

Toward a Good-Faith Version of the Ministerial Exception

By R. Scott Oswald

In Hosanna-Tabor v. EEOC, the U.S. Supreme Court blessed the idea of a “ministerial exception” to employment discrimination laws, holding unanimously in 2012 that — as a constitutional matter — courts may not interfere in the hiring or firing of “ministers” by religious organizations, even where a plaintiff has claimed bias that’s unrelated to religion.

OK, but how far can this carve-out reach, considering that it limits the application of laws that protect workers from racism and other fundamental wrongs?

Or, put differently: How many employees must sacrifice their civil rights as “ministers”? A lot, or just the few who accept leadership roles? How much of its workforce may a religious employer fire, for reasons fair or foul, without legal review?

In his opinion in Hosanna-Tabor, Chief Justice John Roberts rejected a “rigid formula” and instead analyzed a number of factors, including an employee’s title and the “important religious functions” she performs. Under this analysis, Hosanna-Tabor was a fairly easy call: Although the teacher who claimed disability discrimination performed many non-religious tasks, she was commissioned as a minister — using that very word — and designated as a “called” teacher by the Lutheran congregation for which she worked.

What of the myriad other employees at schools, hospitals, and service groups run by religious organizations, however, who may total a million or more? Can lay teachers or nurses be called “ministers,” too, stripping them of the right to challenge workplace bias? How about orderlies or cafeteria workers? Janitors?

Religion on the Line

These were some of the questions raised during telephonic arguments at the court on May 11 in Our Lady of Guadalupe School v. Morrissey-Berru, the inevitable sequel to Hosanna-Tabor — and it quickly became evident that Chief Justice Roberts won’t muster unanimity this time around.

On one side, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg expressed horror at the “staggering” breadth of the legal exemption envisioned by Eric C. Rassbach of the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty, who argued for religious employers Our Lady of Guadalupe and, in a consolidated case, St. James School, both accused of illegal discrimination.

Meanwhile Justice Clarence Thomas floated an exemption standard that was arguably even broader than Mr. Rassbach had suggested — and that could place religious institutions largely outside the realm of employment law.

The remaining justices strove in vain to elicit a standard that wouldn’t require courts to “second-guess who [religious groups] deem a minister,” as Justice Neil Gorsuch put it. Judicial entanglement with religious institutions is bad, everyone agreed — but it’s also inevitable, at least to some degree, if the ministerial exemption is to be anything more than a free pass for bad actors.

Ultimately the justices showed signs of falling back to ground previously staked out. In Hosanna-Tabor, Justice Elena Kagan joined a concurrence by Justice Samuel Alito that received several positive comments in last week’s arguments — and that had the vibe of a proposed majority opinion that was dropped in favor of Chief Justice Roberts’ narrower, more unifying decision.

With Justice Thomas likely to go his own way in 2020, joined perhaps by Justice Gorsuch, there may be hope for an Alito-led coalition that confines the ministerial exception to cases where the employee has certain religious duties and the employer “believes that the ability of such an employee to perform these key functions has been compromised,” in the words of the 2012 concurrence.

Such a formulation would still give a wide berth to religious employers on constitutional grounds — but hardly a free hand. Courts would depend on institutions to assert a religious prerogative in good faith, but they also might allow some discrimination cases to proceed where religion is not implicated. The degree of latitude would depend, presumably, on how clearly an employee can be identified as a “minister” and on the alleged grounds for dismissal.

A Term of Art, Not a Title

The problem of slippery terminology was ever-present during last week’s arguments, on both sides of the debate. The word “minister” is especially unfortunate: Despite its actual use in some religious hierarchies, it must be distinguished as “a legal term of art,” said Morgan L. Ratner, the assistant to the U.S. Solicitor General, while arguing in support of the religious employers.

To the credit of Ms. Ratner and Mr. Rassbach, neither suggested that courts might defer to a religious institution’s definition of this legal term — even though, at times, both Justice Gorsuch and Justice Thomas seemed to entertain the idea, if only to spring judges from the trap of church/state entanglement.

“We don’t think that there’s any way to entirely extricate yourself from this problem,” said Ms. Ratner, correctly, since in Hosanna-Tabor the justices endorsed a legal doctrine that must perforce be interpreted by courts.

Arguing for the employees who claim discrimination, Jeffrey L. Fisher of Stanford Law School said the word “minister” and its matching exception should be reserved for employees in “a position of spiritual leadership” — which excludes, for instance, a workaday teacher in a Catholic grade school who teaches religion as one of many subjects, he said.

Mr. Rassbach and Ms. Ratner predictably said that such a teacher is a minister, since that’s exactly the issue in Morrissey-Berru, but offered subtly different formulations along the way. While Mr. Rassbach wanted to sweep up any employee whose religious role exceeds a bare minimum, Ms. Ratner said that “the religious functions of the type discussed in Hosanna-Tabor have to be a meaningful part of somebody’s job duties.”

Notably, all three advocates started from the assumption that a fired “minister” — however defined — would be categorically excluded from the protection of anti-discrimination laws, since that’s the essence of Hosanna-Tabor. Several of the justices, however, were not so sure.

Justice Ginsburg raised questions about retaliatory firings, which are prohibited by anti-discrimination laws but often held to be distinct, as well as firings “for a reason that has absolutely nothing to do with religion, like needing to take care of chemotherapy” — much like in St. James School v. Biel, the case consolidated with Morrisey-Berru — a prospect she said she found “very disturbing.”

Ms. Ratner tried to dismiss such concerns as “what is covered by the ministerial exception, as opposed to who falls within it,” claiming that the court’s sole task was to decide the latter. But other justices also talked about the “what,” which seemed to gain in prominence as the leadership role of the “who” diminished.

“You’re asking for something broader than giving the schools the power to hire or fire certain kinds of people because of how they teach the religion — or don’t teach it — and you haven’t explained to me why it’s necessary,” Justice Sonia Sotomayor told Mr. Rassbach.

Maybe the ‘What’ Does Matter?

Justice Alito also seemed tightly focused tightly on the constitutional protection of religious action, as opposed to religious actors — which may point to a possible compromise between the religious libertarian and the court’s liberal wing.

“The function of teaching a religion to new generations is central” to that religion, said Justice Alito. “And for a school that is set up by a religious body, the teaching of religion is central.”

In the instant cases, Justice Alito seemed to indicate, that meant the ministerial exception might well apply, depending on the facts — although he said he “would be more comfortable if we jettisoned the whole term ‘ministerial exception'” in favor of something more evocative of the true issue, which he named as “religious autonomy.”

This wording echoed his concurrence in Hosanna-Tabor, which placed religious autonomy at its very heart. “Religious autonomy means that religious authorities must be free to determine who is qualified to serve in positions of substantial religious importance,” he wrote.

That might bode ill for plaintiffs everywhere, if he had stopped there. But Justice Alito went on to explain that the crucial fact in Hosanna-Tabor was that the employer claimed to have fired Cheryl Perich because her “disregard for [its] doctrine compromised her religious function, disqualifying her from serving effectively as a voice for the church’s faith.” (Emphasis added.)

At the time, Ms. Perich had responded that the doctrinal argument was just a pretext for illegal discrimination, a standard legal parry — but, according to Justice Alito, courts are constitutionally forbidden to second-guess such a religious assessment.

“What matters … is that [the employer] believes that the religious function that respondent performed made it essential that she abide by [its] doctrine,” he wrote, indicating that job discrimination that doesn’t implicate doctrinal matters is likely not constitutionally protected, at least at the level of Ms. Perich, a teacher.

Although they didn’t join Justice Alito’s concurrence, this reasoning would seem to address the core discomforts expressed last week by Justices Ginsburg and Sotomayor — and maybe those of Justice Stephen Breyer, too. Justice Kagan already joined the concurrence back in 2012 — which makes five votes, a majority.

In truth, Justice Alito’s 2012 concurrence is somewhat at odds with the unanimous decision in Hosanna-Tabor. But the differences are likely surmountable, and Chief Justice Roberts could help to thread the needle by joining a new majority. A reasonable compromise might limit the categorical exception of Hosanna-Tabor to cases involving spiritual leaders, while applying Justice Alito’s narrower, doctrine-based exception to certain other employees within a religious organization.

During last week’s arguments, Justice Breyer suggested that religious organizations already can exercise the same autonomy by invoking the so-called “bona fide occupational qualification” or BFOQ — the well-accepted idea that certain jobs may have requirements to which anti-discrimination laws can’t reasonably be applied, like an upper age limit for airline pilots. BFOQs can be litigated, however, while Justice Alito believes the Constitution requires courts to step aside entirely when faced with a doctrine-based decision.

Anyhow, the only alternative for any liberal justice is to watch as Hosanna-Tabor is extended to strip at least some lay teachers, and possibly many other lay employees of religious institutions, of substantially all their employment rights. Better to join with Justice Alito to cabin the ministerial exception while it’s still possible.

Might some religious groups “cheat” by ginning up unreviewable doctrinal differences to justify firings that would otherwise be illegal? Of course — just as such groups are currently advised, as Mr. Fisher claimed in arguments, to assign their employees “daily prayer activities and the like” purely in order to qualify as “ministers.”

Manipulation would be harder with a narrow exception, however — and besides, the law, like many religions, starts with a leap of faith.

—–

R. Scott Oswald is managing principal of The Employment Law Group, P.C.

(Note: This version has been edited and expanded slightly from the version published by Law360.)

Our Law Firm Can Help You to Report Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) Fraud

Can I get a reward for reporting PPP fraud?

Perhaps. As an incentive for blowing the whistle on fraud against taxpayer-funded programs such as the SBA’s PPP, the False Claims Act allows successful whistleblowers to receive up to 30 percent of any money the U.S. government recovers as a result of their litigation. As concern rises about large corporations misappropriating funds and crowding out the intended small-business recipients, the FCA provides a sizable reward for whistleblowers who reveal large-scale fraud.

What does PPP fraud look like?

Congress created the Payroll Protection Program to help small businesses retain their employees during the disruption caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. Companies that apply for PPP funds, which the SBA funnels through banks and other lenders, must certify that the money is necessary to support ongoing operations. Without the help of PPP, in other words, an employer would need to lay off employees or scale back business.

Companies can qualify as a small business eligible for a PPP loan if they pass one of three tests. Either they have less than 500 employees; or they meet requirements according to their NAICS code; or they pass a two-prong test, which requires less than $15 million in tangible assets and that the two preceding years have less than $5 million in taxable revenue after all deductions.

PPP applicants also must certify the number of their full-time employees and the size of their payroll when they seek these emergency funds. If a company misrepresents these facts in order to qualify, it commits fraud on the federal government and harms the local communities for which the SBA funds were intended.

What are some common flavors of PPP fraud?

If you work for a company that has applied for PPP funds, you may have inside knowledge of some of these practices:

  • False certification on a PPP application: Understating a company’s true number of employees, which should include U.S. and foreign employees, in order to qualify for a loan is illegal, as is obfuscating a company’s franchise status, misrepresenting the immediate need for the PPP funds, and applying for multiple PPP loans (“stacking”).
  • Improper use of funds: PPP recipients cannot use more than 40 percent of their loaned funds for non-payroll costs — or use the money to pay big bonuses or executive incentive compensation.
  • False certification on a loan forgiveness application: The SBA will eventually forgive PPP loans — turning them into grants, in essence — but only if the recipients follow program rules. It is improper, in most cases, for an employer to seek loan forgiveness if it has made layoffs or furloughs.

How do I report Paycheck Protection Program fraud?

Small-scale fraud against the Small Business Administration can reported to the SBA’s Office of Inspector General. If you are aware of more serious fraud — in the millions of dollars, say — or if you face retaliation for opposing such fraud, you may want to file a whistleblower lawsuit under the False Claims Act (FCA). There are strict standards for such suits: You must supply important information that the government doesn’t already know, and you shouldn’t be a participant in the fraud yourself. In addition, non-attorneys cannot file an FCA case by themselves — you will need a lawyer’s help.

Blowing the whistle on SBA fraud isn’t a trivial matter. If you would like to have an experienced law firm on your side, please contact us.

What information do I need to report PPP fraud?

Typically, you need some type of insider information. This information is needed to establish the false statement the company put on its application, the truth that contradicts the falsity, and what actually happened to the loan money.

You don’t need physical proof for initial consultations, but if your case continues, you will need documentation and/or witnesses who can corroborate.

Will my employer know I reported the fraud?

Eventually, they will, but it won’t be any time soon.

These cases are filed under seal for at least 60 days. In the vast majority of cases, the government requests at least a six-month extension of the seal. While the case is under seal, your employer doesn’t know about it.

At some point, the case will come out from under seal, but you will have advanced notice. We will talk with you beforehand about what that means, what to expect, and how to respond.

 

How Existing Immigration Cases Are Affected by the COVID-19 Pandemic

By Tomi Ojo-Ade

 

INTRODUCTION

Hundreds of millions of people across the United States have been thrown into turmoil by the COVID-19 pandemic. Aspiring immigrants face an extra layer of uncertainty, however, as the status of their cases becomes murky and they hesitate to interact with U.S. authorities — even to protect their own health — for fear of jeopardizing their legal standing.

Below are answers to some of the most common questions we are being asked by our law firm’s immigration clients, based on our firm’s best knowledge as of April 24, 2020. Please note, however, that nothing is certain in this fast-moving crisis — and everyone’s circumstances are different anyhow. For advice on an individual situation, please contact our immigration attorneys.

This article has been revised from its original version to include questions about President Trump’s April 22 proclamation suspending the entry of certain aliens into the U.S.

 

WHAT YOU NEED TO KNOW

IMPORTANT: The following Q+A is intended as a general summary of facts and law and not as legal advice upon which you should rely or act. Every immigration case is unique and fact-specific.

Q: My application for a green card is currently pending. I live in the U.S. Will President Trump’s April 22 proclamation stop my application from moving forward or being approved?

A: It should not. The proclamation affects only applicants who were outside the U.S. without a valid immigration visa or official travel document as of April 23, 2020, the effective date of the proclamation.

Q: I am a non-immigrant worker who is employed in the U.S. on an H-1B visa. Does the April 22 proclamation change my status?

A: As of April 24, 2020, neither current H-1B holders nor employer-sponsored applicants are affected by the proclamation. However, the proclamation does require a high-level review of all temporary visa programs (which includes the H-1B) and the recommendation of “measures appropriate to … ensure the prioritization, hiring, and employment of United States workers.” No one yet knows what such measures might include.

Q: I am a U.S. resident who has filed an immigrant petition on behalf of my spouse, who lives outside the U.S. Does the April 22 proclamation suspend that application?

A: It depends. If you are a U.S. citizen or a member of the U.S. Armed Forces, your spouse and any of your children under the age of 21 are exempt from the proclamation. If your spouse falls into certain other categories, he or she also may be exempt: Healthcare professionals, for instance, or others with skills needed to help in the COVID-19 pandemic; immigrant investors under the EB-5 program; Afghan or Iraqi nationals who worked for the U.S. government; or others whose entry is deemed to be in the U.S. national interest. For a full list, see the proclamation itself. Some of its exempted categories are clearly defined but others depend on the judgment of government officials. If you think your spouse might be exempt, ask an immigration attorney about the best next step.

Q: I don’t yet have a green card. If I lose my job because of the pandemic, can I safely apply for unemployment insurance?

A: Receiving unemployment benefits shouldn’t count against you under the so-called “public charge” doctrine, since these benefits are deemed to be “earned” and therefore are excluded from the rule as implemented.

(As a general matter, the public charge doctrine says that individuals may be barred from the U.S. if they’re likely to depend on taxpayers for their support. Before the pandemic, the Trump administration began enforcing this rule more aggressively than in the past.)

It’s important to note that a non-permanent resident must be authorized to work in the U.S. without restriction in order to be eligible for unemployment insurance, including the enhanced benefits provided by federal and local pandemic legislation — so you can’t receive the money if your employment is limited to a particular employer, as an example.

More broadly, your eligibility for unemployment insurance will depend on the following:

  1. Whether you have worked long enough for a covered employer — rules vary by state, and may have been loosened in some cases via short-term pandemic relief measures;
  2. Whether you were fired for cause, which generally is a disqualifier; and
  3. Whether you remain able and available to work.

As a non-immigrant applying for unemployment benefits, you must be able to provide your Alien Registration Number (“A Number”) and a valid Employment Authorization Card issued by U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS). When you apply, your state will check your eligibility with USCIS.

Q: I’ve lost my income due to the pandemic. Can I apply for benefits such as Medicaid, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (“SNAP,” formerly known as food stamps), or housing assistance during this crisis?

A: In general, non-permanent residents — including applicants for adjustment, change, or extension of status — are not eligible for these benefits. As noted above, receiving certain government benefits (or even just applying for them) can trigger the public charge rule and endanger the applicant’s eligibility for permanent resident status.

However, USCIS doesn’t apply the public charge doctrine in some specific situations that might broadly be described as compassionate, such as:

  • Medicaid payment for the treatment of an emergency medical condition;
  • Medicaid benefits received by an alien under 21 years of age;
  • Medicaid-funded services provided under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act;
  • School-based services or benefits provided to eligible children; or
  • Medicaid benefits received by a woman during and for 60 days after a pregnancy.

If you’re considering applying for a government benefit and are unclear whether it’ll trigger the public charge rule, ask an attorney before proceeding.

Q: I might have COVID-19. Will getting a coronavirus test, a positive diagnosis, or treatment endanger my immigration status?

A: No — so please go ahead and consult a doctor.

To address the health emergency and to reassure understandably nervous aliens, USCIS has stated clearly that it will not consider COVID-19 testing, treatment, or preventative care — including vaccines, if a vaccine becomes available — in its determination of public charge inadmissibility, nor in any consideration of extension of stay or change of status applications, even if such care is provided or paid for by a public benefit such as Medicaid.

More generally, the public charge rule does not restrict your access to testing or treatment of other communicable diseases beyond COVID-19 — and it does not restrict your access to vaccines.

Also, with regard to medical necessity overall, it’s worth knowing that even a public charge “violation” is only one among many factors considered by USCIS when it determines an alien’s admissibility. Circumstances matter, and there is no firm “one strike and you’re out” policy. Put your health first and consult with an attorney as needed.

Q: Is my household eligible for a stimulus check under the CARES Act?

A: So-called stimulus checks — direct payments under the law known as CARES (Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security) — are generally available to anyone who has a legitimate “work-eligible” Social Security Number and meets the law’s income requirements. This may include undocumented immigrants if they filed a tax return for 2018 or 2019.

If you (or your spouse or dependent) use an Individual Taxpayer Identification Number rather than an SSN, however, you won’t receive a stimulus payment. Also, if you’re a non-citizen who doesn’t hold a green card and hasn’t spent much time in the U.S. in the past three years, you may be ineligible for a payment.

Q: I have an interview/ceremony coming up in a couple of weeks at a USCIS field office. Will it be cancelled?

A: USCIS has suspended most in-person services and won’t start reopening its shuttered domestic offices until May 4, 2020 at the earliest — a date that may be extended, depending on conditions. If your interview (or naturalization ceremony) is scheduled for a time when your field office is closed, you should receive a rescheduling notice.

If you are in doubt about the status of an appointment, ask your attorney — or, if you are handling your own case, use the USCIS’ online tools or try calling USCIS at +1-800-375-5283.

Q: I have a court hearing coming up. Will it still happen?

A: Most immigration courts are closed except for filings and hearings for applicants who are in detention. You or your attorney should contact the court clerk for clarification, but unless you get a rescheduling notice you must be ready to show up. Failure to appear at a scheduled hearing can result in an order of removal being entered against you: Even if you end up knocking on a locked door because of a communication failure, it is better to err on the side of caution.

Q: I am under an order of supervision and have been reporting to the ICE office monthly. Must I keep showing up?

A: U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) has suspended in-person check-ins until further notice. However, you still must stay in contact with your local field office and follow its direction; ICE recommends using the phone. If you already have missed an appointment, reestablish contact with your case specialist immediately.

Q: My case/application is currently pending at USCIS. Is it still proceeding at the regular pace during this pandemic?

A: So far the only delays that USCIS has acknowledged are in cases that require an in-person appointment. The agency continues to accept and process immigration applications, except that it has suspended “premium” (paid expedited) processing for I-129 and I-140 visa petitions. If your case is already pending, it’s likely progressing at a normal rate — although as most immigration attorneys will tell you, “normal” varies widely even outside a pandemic.

Q: I arrived in the U.S. on a valid non-immigrant visa. My authorized stay is about to expire but I can’t return to my home country, which has banned arrivals from the U.S. and transit countries. How can I avoid being in the U.S. unlawfully?

A: Non-immigrants who must unexpectedly remain in the U.S. can apply to extend their visa stay based on the COVID-19 pandemic — and if you already have overstayed, a belated application may be excused by “extraordinary circumstances,” which should be a relatively easy case to make.

If you entered the U.S. under the Visa Waiver Program (VWP) — if you’re a citizen of a Western European country, for example — you can ask USCIS to give you a 30-day extension via a “grant of satisfactory departure.” If you’re unable to leave within this extra 30 days for pandemic-related reasons, USCIS has the flexibility to grant you an additional 30 days.

Q: My case is based on a showing of hardship to my family members, who are U.S. citizens. If I apply for government benefits on behalf of my children during this emergency, will that hurt my immigration case?

A: Receiving lawful aid on behalf of a U.S. citizen isn’t a violation of the public charge rule: USCIS considers only government benefits received for your benefit. Nonetheless, a hardship application generally requires you to show that you’re the primary source of support for your U.S. family members. If your family gets government assistance, that may undercut your argument to remain in the country. You should consult an immigration attorney to weigh your options.

Q: I’m trying to gather papers to comply with a request for additional evidence, but the pandemic has restricted my travel — and the responsiveness of my document sources. Can I get an extension?

A: If the underlying request was issued between March 1, 2020 and May 1, 2020, USCIS will consider your response if it arrives up to 60 days after the due date. This applies to responses to official notices such as Requests for Evidence, Notices of Intend to Deny, Notices of Intent to Revoke, and Notices of Intent to Terminate. If your notice was issued prior to March 1, 2020, however, you must meet the deadline set in the notice.

If even if you have some leeway under the March 1 rule, it’s still a good idea to respond as quickly as you can — without sacrificing the quality of your response, of course.

If you would like to discuss your individual circumstances, our attorneys are available to you.

———-

Tomi Ojo-Ade is a former associate of The Employment Law Group, P.C.

 

Are You Looking for a Lawyer Who Will Help You Expose Telemedicine Fraud?

Are there cash rewards for telemedicine whistleblowers?

Yes. To encourage people to expose fraud against taxpayer-funded programs such as Medicare and TRICARE, the False Claims Act allows whistleblowers to receive up to 30 percent of any money the U.S. government recovers as a result of their litigation. Because many telemedicine visits are funded by Medicare and TRICARE’s telehealth benefit — and because the government faces a growing wave of telemedicine fraud — the FCA is a powerful incentive for whistleblowers who know of such abuse. Depending on your state, other rewards statutes also may apply.

How does telemedicine fraud typically work?

Medicare and TRICARE are government health insurance programs for older people and military members and their families, respectively. They include a benefit for telehealth services — video-based office visits and health screenings that offer real-time communication between the provider and the patient. The benefit also covers “telemental” services such as individual psychotherapy, psychiatric diagnostic interviews and exams, and medication management.

To comply with Medicare and TRICARE requirements for telemedicine, a patient often needs an authorization or referral. Unethical providers, however, may conduct telehealth visits without establishing a physician-patient relationship or gathering necessary health history.* They also may bill Medicare or TRICARE for audio-only conferencing, phone calls, or text messages. Such practices are inappropriate and illegal.

Why is telemedicine fraud on the rise?

Telemedicine itself is becoming more popular due to technological advances and an increase in marketing. An accompanying rise in fraud is natural, in part because the format is easy to abuse. Now that the COVID-19 pandemic is curtailing in-person doctor visits, government prosecutors believe that telemedicine fraud is poised to explode.

What are some common types of telemedicine fraud?

If you work for a hospital, medical professional, lab, or telehealth consultant, you may have seen evidence of the following illegal practices:

  • False certification: To claim reimbursement for telemedicine services, a provider must have an established relationship with the patient* — and must conduct each telehealth appointment via a real-time link that allows true observation and interaction between the doctor and the patient. Some providers ignore these requirements and bill Medicare or TRICARE anyway.
  • Kickbacks: Some hospitals, labs, pharmacies, and medical equipment suppliers may offer money, gifts, or other favors to doctors who use telehealth appointments to order unneeded tests, equipment (such as back, neck, or leg braces), or medical services for unwitting patients.
  • Billing fraud: Providers may conduct audio-only conferencing, phone calls, or texting with patients but bill the “visit” as as a full telemedicine or telemental consultation. This practice is illegal for Medicare and TRICARE patients.
  • Self-referrals: Some telemedicine providers may own a stake in a supplier from which they order medical equipment such as braces or wheelchairs — or a family member may own a stake. This is an illegal conflict of interest.
  • Waiver of copays or other costs: To make it easier to generate new business or bill more per patient, some telemedicine providers may waive or even reimburse copayments or cost-shares. Co-payments and cost-shares for Medicare and TRICARE are required by law, however, so such actions are illegal.*

How do I report telemedicine fraud?

One-off telehealth fraud against Medicare can be reported by going to the Department of Health and Human Services’ OIG Hotline Web page. Alternatively, you can call 1-800-447-8477.

If you are a healthcare worker who knows of serious telemedicine or telehealth fraud, however — or if you face retaliation in connection with such fraud — you may want to file a whistleblower lawsuit under the False Claims Act, a state equivalent, or both. There are strict standards for such suits: You must supply important information that the government doesn’t already know, and you shouldn’t be a participant in the fraud yourself. In addition, non-attorneys cannot file an FCA case by themselves — you will need a lawyer’s help.

Taking such a step isn’t a trivial matter. If you would like to have an experienced law firm on your side, please contact us.

*NOTE: Some of these requirements have been loosened for the specific purpose of COVID-19 diagnosis and treatment while in-person visits are limited. If you are unsure whether a provider is following the rules, we may be able to advise you.

 

Do You Need a Lawyer to Help You Report Coronavirus Testing Fraud?

How are coronavirus whistleblowers rewarded?

As an inducement for people to expose fraud against programs such as Medicare, the False Claims Act allows whistleblowers to receive up to 30% of any money the U.S. government recovers as a result of their litigation. Because a large percentage of COVID-19-related testing is funded by federal government — and because the government faces a wave of coronavirus profiteers — the FCA is a powerful incentive for whistleblowers who know of COVID-19 testing fraud. Depending on your state, other rewards statutes also may apply.

How does COVID-19 testing fraud typically work?

Medicare and TRICARE are government health insurance programs for older people and military members and their families, respectively. They include a benefit for COVID-19 tests as indicated in the current pandemic. Related tests also are allowed as long as they are prescribed by a doctor; are medically needed; are billed accurately; and are not induced through illegal means such as kickbacks.

If you work for a hospital, medical professional, lab, or pharmacy, you may have seen evidence of the following illegal practices:

  • Medically unnecessary tests: Regular COVID-19 tests sometimes are combined with a much more expensive test that does not address COVID-19, such as a respiratory pathogen panel (RPP), in order to boost profit.
  • Kickbacks: Some hospitals, labs, pharmacies, or other facilities may offer money, gifts, or other favors to doctors who refer lucrative patients.
  • Billing fraud: Testing facilities, hospitals, or pharmacies may bill for tests they did not deliver — or for what the FBI describes as fake … treatments, including hydroxychloroquine combinations that may be ineffective or inappropriate.

How do I report coronavirus testing fraud?

COVID-19 fraud against Medicare can be reported via StopMedicareFraud.gov, a joint Web site of the Department of Justice and the Department of Health and Human Services.

If you know of major COVID-testing fraud, however — or if you face retaliation in connection with such fraud — you may want to file a whistleblower lawsuit under the False Claims Act, a state equivalent, or both. Such a step isn’t trivial. If you would like to have an experienced law firm on your side, please contact us.